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Bibliography about Greek Particles

Bibliography about Greek Particles (1935-2010)1Martín Páez

p. 3-43

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Introduction

  • 1 The realization of this article was made possible through the financial backing by a FPI pre-doctor (...)
  • 2 I. J. F. De Jong, “Γάρ introducing embedded narratives”, A. Morpurgo Davies, “Particles in Greek Ep (...)

1Just three years ago, the most important work concerning the study of Greek particles celebrated its seventy fifth anniversary. The Greek Particles by J. D. Denniston has maintained relevant in today’s day and age despite the onset of more current linguistics with particular focuses, and the growing interest in Greek particle study from other disciplines which have, in principle, rejected this field of morphosyntax. Discursive Pragmatics conceived by Roulet, has inspired classical field scholars such as Rijksbaron, Kroon, Wakker, Sicking, and Slings since the 1980s. This theoretical current, spilled into the study of Greek particles, does not accept generally the Denniston syntactic-semantic work method considering it insufficient and obsolete. Just to name a few examples, De Jong, Davies and Jacquinod2 highlight a series of deficiencies, inadequacies, and contradictions that Denniston’s work presents. Anyway, Denniston’s work still serves (despite of his obvious shortcomings) as a starting point for its respective studies: such is the importance of his essay as a work of reference for the study of Greek particles. Without a doubt, the work’s worth lies in its ambitious aim to establish a particle index (which was until then vaguely defined) based on the Greco-Roman grammatical theory, especially Dionysius Thrax. Furthermore, the work tries to specify the definition and meaning of the particles through means of usage description that classical authors employed. With this goal in mind Denniston chose a large corpus of representative literary classical texts (from Homer until 320 B.C).

2 So much time having passed since the first edition of the work and having a considerable number of new studies about Greek particles, we aim to offer a modern bibliography from 1934 onwards in order to complete Denniston’s one. The observation of material would allow one to underline in what manner some particles were studied while others not as well as the distinct theoretical focus given for each case.

3 The following bibliography brings together the large quantity of work (as much as possible) that covers particles: journal papers, monographs, theses (published and not) and parts of grammar works as well as other scholastic works.

  • 3 Cf. E. Redondo Moyano, “El repertorio de las partículas in griego antiguo”, Veleia 10 (1993), 221- (...)
  • 4 Cf. D. T. 87 (G. Uhlig (ed.), Grammatici Graeci 1.1, Leipzig 1883 (repr. 1965).
  • 5 Cf. A. Sancho Royo, “Aproximación al sistema conjuncional griego desde la perspectiva de los gramát (...)

4 There is not an unanimous agreement between scholars on the question of what classes of words make up the particle index. So much so that one could have the impression that to exclude or include some particles and not others is finally made because of personal preference. Professor Redondo Moyano has dealt with the problem concerning the concept of a particle and, by extension, the index which includes the said term. In her work she explains how Denniston narrowed the particle’s meaning by proposing a definition different from the etymology.3 That tells us that even though he succeeded in part (prepositions, for example, are excluded from this consideration), his definition remains ambiguous because of its generality (ways of thinking and emotion). In fact, some words from other parts of speech such as determinate adverbs (ways of thinking) and interjections (modes of emotion), could be understood to belong to the classical term σύνδεσμος. Furthermore, Redondo Moyano noticed certain incoherencies in Denniston; such is the case with words that dictionaries define as particles and that Denniston does not (e.g. ἄν). The opposite also exist where Denniston defines words as particles and the dictionaries placed them in the adverb category (e.g. πού). This problem has its precise origins in Denniston’s attempt to create an index inspired by Τήχνη Γραμματική.4 Please note, for example, that the Greeks accepted as σύνδεσμοι particles that did not necessarily have to occupy the first position of the sentence (μέν, μέντοι, δέ...). They also included them in the same group of σύνδεσμοι along with determinate adverbs (νῦν, αὖ, δῆτα...) and with which we call nowadays conjunctions (particles that occupy the first position in the sentence and connect it with the former or simply link constituents of the sentence). On the other hand, dictionaries distinguish between conjunctions, adverbs, and particles (special connectors that do not occupy the first position of the sentence as well as the modal particle), thus breaking up a group of words that the Greeks constituted as one unit.5 Despite this incoherence, Denniston’s index has been accepted for the most by the later research papers.

  • 6 A. Hellwig, “Zur Funktion und Bedeutung der griechischen Partikeln”, Glotta 52 (1974), 145- 171.

5Some forty years later after the publication of The Greek Particles A. Hellwig presents a new alternative index to that of Denniston’s.6 His criterion of selection is based on the type of information that the words bring to the message: be it objective (necessary for the comprehension of the message) or subjective (unnecessary). Such words that bring essential information to the sentence are negative adverbs and the particle ἄν; therefore, they are left out of the particle index. On the other hand, the σύνδεσμοι of Dionysius Thrax and some ἐπιρρήματα are among the words which provide subjective or unnecessary information in regards to the comprehension of the message. Hellwig divide ἐπιρρήματα into two subtypes :

  1. Those that denote notions of time, value, place, number, order, company, collectivity, quantity, quality, and difference of degree.

  2. Those that employ the speaker to position his or herself subjectively before the object of the discussion, be it rational or irrational sphere.

6Hellwig considered the second subgroup of ἐπιρρήματα as particles precisely for being useful tools that express a rational or irrational mood (in the Denniston’s words, ways of thinking or emotion). He also included them in a new group named “adverbial particles” together with the syllogistic and expletive σύνδεσμοι (designated παραπληρωματικοί by Dionysius Thrax). The taxonomy that distinguishes the adverbs between the rational group and the irrational is as follows:

  1. In the rational group there is the distinction among adverbs of approval (ναί, ναιχί), doubt (ἴσως, τάχα, τυχόν), negative cursing, (μά) positive cursing (νή), confirmation (δηλαδή), and reinforcement of negation (οὐδῆτα).

  2. In the irrational group (emotional) there is the distinction between the interjections that indicate indignation or complaint (παπαῖ, ἰού, φεῦ), admiration (βαβαῖ), and enthusiasm (εὐοῖ, εὔαν).

  • 7 Copulative/adversative (μέν, δέ, τε, καί, ἀλλά, ἠμεν, ἠδέ, ἰδέ, ἀτάρ, αὐτάρ, ἤτοι, κεν, ἄν), disjun (...)

7In addition to this group of adverbs and interjections belonging to Dionysius Thrax’s group of ἐπιρρήματα, Hellwig includes in his particle index the group of words that make up the category of the σύνδεσμοι in Dionysius: copulative/adversative, disjunctive, hypothetical, sub-hypothetical, causal, hesitant, syllogistic and expletive.7

  • 8 V. et. Sicking, C. M. J., “Griekse Partikels. Definitie in classificatie”, Lampas 19 (1986), 125- 4 (...)
  • 9 Cf. J. D. Denniston, Op. cit., p. XL in which Denniston confirms having not studied the particles ε (...)

8Only being exposed two classifications among several ones,8 we opted to make a bibliographic index that might cover the group that the former as well as the current scholars called particles. This large list is due to the fact that even despite some forms having a clear grammatical function rather than stylistic, they also sometimes have uses that make them similar to particles. In addition, we included works referencing the particle ἄν, adverbs of negation, and negative conjunctions. In the case of ἄν, we think that the particle cannot be excluded from the index because of the reason Denniston gives when omits casuals, hypotheticals, sub-hypotheticals, and disjunctives σύνδεσμοι.9 In Dionysius Thrax, however, the particle ἄν/κέν appears as a copulative as much as an expletive σύνδεσμος. Therefore, his study depends on grammar, but stylistics too. We also included certain adverbs and conjunctions of negation that Dionysius Thrax classifies among the ἐπιρρήματα of negation and prohibition, but modern scholars place generally in the particle index.

9The entries are organized according to the following classification:

A. Works regarding the etymology, use and meaning of each particle, as well as particle combinations.

B. Theoretical works over particles in general and descriptive works about the group of particles; adverbial particles, the interjection, the particle index, coordination, subordination and asyndeton.

Croceedings of congress or commemorative publications cited, which deal with (completely or in part) the Greek particles.

Works regarding the etymology, use and meaning of each of the concrete particles, as well as various particles and particle combinations.

Ἀλλά

- Basset, L., “Ἀλλ’ ἐξόλοισθ’ αὐτῳ κοάξ. Réexamen des employs de ἀλλά à la lumière de l’énonciation dans les Grenouilles d’Aristophane”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 75- 99.

- Blomqvist, J., “Ἀλλά... μήν, ἀλλά...μέντοι, an atticistic particle usage”, Eranos 93/1 (1995), 3- 23.

- Braunert, H.,“Ein rhetorischer Gebrauch von οὐ μόνον... ἀλλὰ καί”, RhM 105 (1962), 226- 236.

- Díaz Tejera, A., “Implicatura y sentidos en partículas conectivas”, REspLing. 25/2 (1995), 311- 22.

- Moorhouse, A. C., “Observations on epic ἀλλά”, CQ 46 (1952), 100- 4.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Pulleyn, S., Prayer in Greek Religion, Oxford 1997, 132- 3.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Dos notas sobre poetas yámbicos”, Veleia 7 (1990), 258- 64.

- Íd., “Ἀλλά”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 27- 45.

- Íd., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 161- 7.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Devices for text articulation in Lysias I and XII” in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 35- 40.

- Slings, S. R., “Adversative Relators between PUSH and POP”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 101- 129.

- Souletis, M. A., “Chaines pronominales dans l’Iliade” : ordre fixe, variations d’ordre et fonctions de quelques particules”, Syntaktika 17 (1999), 1- 5.

- Thrall, M. E., “ἀλλ for ἀλλά”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 16- 20.

- Íd., “ἀλλά γε, καὶ γε, καίτοι γε”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 36- 9.

Ἄν/κε(ν)

- Basset, L., “Valeurs et emplois de la particule dite modale en grec ancien”, in In the footsteps of R. Kühner, cf. Rijksbaron, A./ Mulder, H./ Wakker, G. C. (eds.) in C), 27- 37.

- Camerer, R., “Die Behandlung der Partikel ἄν in den Schriften des Apollonios Dyskolos”, Hermes 93/2 (1965), 168- 204.

- Íd., “Über den ‘emphatischen Grundwert’ der Partikel ἄν”, Glotta 46 (1968), 106- 17.

- Chassang, A./ George, R., Syntaxe de ἄν, Paris 1968.

- Cors i Meya, J., “L’us d’ ἄν en l’obra de Sòfocles : ἄν com a indicador de potencial de passat/irreal”, Faventia 18/1 (1996), 7- 37.

- Crespo, E., “Infinitivo modal sin ἄν en griego”, in Apophoreta Philologica, cf. Gil, L./ Aguilar, R. M. (eds.) in C), 67- 73.

- El-Aguizy, O., “The Particle ‘ka’ and other Related Problematic Passages in Papyrus Westcar”, BIAO 97 (1997), 157- 63.

- Encinas Martínez, J. “El valor unitario de ἄν”, ExcPhilol. 2 (1992), 203- 9.

- Forbes, K., “The relations of the particle ἄν with κε(ν), κα, καν”, Glotta 37 (1958), 179- 82.

- García Teijeiro, M., “*-qe no coordinativo en micénico y ke condicional”, in Actas del VIII Congreso español de Estudios Clásicos I, cf. Aa.Vv in C), 121- 7.

- Gerö, E. C., “The usage of ἄν and κε in Ancient Greek: towards a unified description”, Glotta 3-4 (2000), 177- 91.

- Hodot, R., “Les phrases à subordonées avec ἄν et le subjonctif dans les Oiseaux de Aristophane”, Syntaktika 30 (2005), 1- 23.

- Íd., “Organisation textuelle et particules modales dans de texts legislatifs arcadiens (Ve- IVe S. a.C.)”, Verbum 13 (1990), 27- 37.

- Howorth, R. H., “The origin of the use of ἄν and κε in indefinite clauses”, CQ 49 (1955), 72- 93.

- Hulton, A. O., “Ἄν with the future. A note”, CQ 7/3-4 (1957), 139- 42.

- Landreth, M. C., “The Position of the Particles ‘an’ and ‘ke(n)’ in Pindar”, Eranos 76 (1978), 13.

- Lee, D. J. N., “The modal particles ἄν, κε, κα”, AJPh 88 (1967), 45- 56.

- Lillo, A. “El uso de τε épico con subjuntivo y su relación con la partícula modal”, in Dialectologica Graeca, cf. Crespo, E./ García Ramón, J. L./ Striano, A. in C), 209- 20.

- Lillo, A. “¿Hay testimonios de ἕως ἄν + subjuntivo de presente con el valor de ‘hasta que’?”, in Koinós Lógos, cf. Valverde, M./ Calderón, E./ Morales, A. (eds.) in C), 477- 85.

- Molinos Tejada, M. T., “La particula modale κα dans la littérature dorienne”, REG 105/2 (1992), 328- 48.

- Moorhouse, A. C., “Ἄν with the future”, CQ 40/1- 2 (1946), 1- 10.

- Íd., “A reply on ἄν with the future”, CQ 9 (1959), 78- 9.

- Neuberger Donath, R., “On the synonymity of ἄν and κε”, CPh. 72 (1977), 116- 25.

- Ortolá Guixot, A. F., “El uso de la partícula modal ἄν en Tucídides”, Quaderns de Filología. Studis Lingüistics 6 (2001), 175- 96.

- Raeder, H., “Ein Problem in griechischer Syntax, die Verbindung der Partikel ἄν mit Futurum”, MPh 59 (1954), 123- 4/ RPh 28 (1954), 267.

- Ruijgh, C. J. “L’emploi le plus ancien et les emplois plus récents de la particule κε(ν)/ἄν”, in La langue et les textes in grec ancien, cf. Létoublon, F. (ed.) in C), 75- 88.

- Sanmartí Boncompte, F., La partícula modal ἄν- κε(ν), Barcelona 1951.

- Wakker, G. C., “Conditionele bijzinnen met finale nuance in het Grieks”, Lampas 19 (1986), 159- 174.

- Wathelet, P., “Les particules κε(ν) et ἄν dans les formules de l’épopée homérique”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 247- 68.

- Zuccheli, B., “Ἄν col participio nella prosa attica e nell’uso tucidideo”, RIL 97 (1963), 421- 40.

Ἄρα

- Besselaar, J. Van Den, “Estudo lexicografico da partícula ἄρα”, BEC 5 (1962), 221- 65.

- Lowe, J. C. B., Γἄρα, γἆρα and τάρα”, Glotta 51/1- 2 (1973), 34- 64.

- Mulligan, B.,ἄρα introducing direct speech in Herodotus”, Mnemosyne 60/2 (2007), 281- 4.

- Ophuijsen, J. M. Van, “Οὖν, ἄρα, δή, τοινῦν. The Linguistic Articulation of Arguments in Plato’s Phaedo”, in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 101- 39.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Particles in question in Plato” (οὐκοῦν, ἆρα, ᾶρ’οὖν, ἄρα, τί οὖν, τί δέ, τί δή, τί οὖν δή, τί ποτε) in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 157- 74.

- Souletis, M. A., “Chaines pronominales dans l’Iliade” : ordre fixe, variations d’ordre et fonctions de quelques particules”, Syntaktika 17 (1999), 1- 5.

- Thrall, M. E., “ἄρα οὖν”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 10- 11.

Ἆρα

- Grimm, J., “Die Partikel ἆρα in frühen griechischen Epos”, Glotta 40 (1962), 3- 41.

- Lowe, J. C. B., “Γἄρα, γἆρα and τάρα”, Glotta 51/1-2 (1973), 34- 64.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “ἆρα”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 47- 52.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Particles in question in Plato” (οὐκοῦν, ἆρα, ᾶροὖν, ἄρα, τί οὖν, τί δέ, τί δή, τί οὖν δή, τί ποτε), in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 157- 74.

Ἀτάρ

- Denniston, J. D., ἀτάρ”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 51- 4.

- Durling, R. J., “Ἀτὰρ οὖν καί in Galen and in his predecessors”, Glotta 73/1-4 (1995-6), 76.

- Julia, M. A., “Les particules αὐτάρ et ἀτάρ. Passerelles entre la structuration sintactique et la structuration informativa de l’enoncé ?”, RPh 75/1 (2001), 83- 98.

- Souletis, M. A., “Chaines pronominales dans l’Iliade” : ordre fixe, variations d’ordre et fonctions de quelques particules”, Syntaktika 17 (1999), 1- 5.

Αὖ

- Revuelta Puigdollers, A., Estudio de las partículas griegas αὖ, αὖτε, αὖθις, ἄψ, πάλιν y ὀπίσσω, diss. (unpublished), Madrid 1996.

Αὐτάρ

- Denniston, J. D., αὐτάρ”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 55.

- Julia, M. A., “Les particules αὐτάρ et ἀτάρ. Passerelles entre la structuration syntactique et la structuration informativa de l’enoncé ?”, RPh 75/1 (2001), 83- 98.

- Katz, J., “The Epic Adventures of an Unknown Particle”, in Greek and Latin from an Indo-European Perspective, George, C. et alii (eds.), Cambridge 2007, 65- 79.

- Souletis, M. A., “Chaines pronominales dans l’Iliade” : ordre fixe, variations d’ordre et fonctions de quelques particules”, Syntaktika 17 (1999), 1- 5.

Αὖτε

- Revuelta Puigdollers, A., Estudio de las partículas griegas αὖ, αὖτε, αὖθις, ἄψ, πάλιν, y ὀπίσσω, diss. (unpublished) Madrid 1996.

Αὖθις

- Revuelta Puigdollers, A., Estudio de las partículas griegas αὖ, αὖτε, αὖθις, ἄψ, πάλιν, y ὀπίσσω, diss. (unpublished) Madrid 1996.

Ἄψ

- Revuelta Puigdollers, A., Estudio de las partículas griegas αὖ, αὖτε, αὖθις, ἄψ, πάλιν, y ὀπίσσω, diss. (unpublished) Madrid 1996.

Γάρ

- Bennekom, R. Van, “Καὶ γὰρ οὖν and καὶ γάρ τοι”, Mnemosyne 15/4 (1962), 393- 4.

- Bird, C. H., “Some γάρ clauses in St. Mark’s Gospel”, JThS 4 (1953), 171- 87.

- Black, S. L., Sentence conjunction in the Gospel of Matthew, καί, δέ, τότε, γάρ, οὖν and the asyndeton in narrative discourse, Sheffield 2002.

- Erp Taalman Kip, A. M. Van, “ γάρ in questions”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 151- 6.

- Gäehrken, B., Die Partikel γάρ, diss. Münster 1950.

- Jong, I. J. F. de, “ Γάρ introducing embedded narratives”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 175- 185.

- Larsen, I. A., “Notes on the Function of γάρ, μέν, δέ, καί and τε in the Greek New Testament”, in Notes on Translation 5/1 (1991), 35- 47.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Dos notas sobre poetas yámbicos”, Veleia 7 (1990), 258- 64.

- Íd., “Γάρ”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 53- 66.

- Íd., “Estudio de γάρ como marcador del discurso”, Minerva 17 (2004), 11- 30.

- Íd., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 167- 71.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Devices for text articulation in Lysias I and XII” in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 20- 25.

- Thrall, M. E., “Γάρ-Clauses in Mark”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 41- 50.

- Weber, H., “Γάρ”, PhR 4 (1956), 1078.

Γε

- Lapini, W., “Due note su P. Oxy. 4030, col. V, 21- 31 (Eschine contra Timarco 51- 52) e alcuni appunti su καί γε ed ἠδέ γε nei testi Grecia”, ZPE 152 (2005), 31- 41.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Γε”, “Γoῦν”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico : Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 67- 76, 77- 8.

- Íd., “El uso de γε en los novelistas griegos”, in Lógos hellenikós : homenaje al profesor Gaspar Morocho Gayo I, cf. Nieto Ibáñez, J. M. (ed.), in C), 197- 203.

- Thrall, M. E., “ἀλλά γε, καὶ γε, καίτοι γε”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 36- 9.

Γoῦν

- Patillon, M., “Γoῦν et δ’oὖν dans les Vies de Diogène Laërce”, REG 112/2 (1999), 731- 733.

Δέ

- Alberti, G. B., “L’uso delle particelle nella formula di correlazione πρῶτον (-α)… ἔπειτα”, Maia 11 (1959), 44- 62.

- Bakker, E. J., “Boundaries, Topic and Structure of discourse: an investigation of the ancient Greek particle δέ”, StudLang 17 (1993), 275- 311.

- Black, S. L., Sentence conjunction in the Gospel of Matthew, καί, δέ, τότε, γάρ, οὖν and the asyndeton in narrative discourse, Sheffield 2002.

- Briand, M., “Les énoncés in …μέν…δέ… dans les Idylles de Théocrite : syntaxe, pragmatique, poétique”, in Structures parallèles et corrélatives in grec et in latin, cf. Carvalho, P. de/ Lambert, F. (eds.) in C), 201- 23.

- Cohen, G. L., “Origin of the Greek Particle δέ”, in Pursuit of Linguistic Insight, Rolla 1988, 135- 6.

- Díaz Tejera, A., “Implicatura y sentidos en partículas conectivas”, REspLing. 25/2 (1995), 311- 22.

- Dover, K. J., Evolution of Greek Prose style, Oxford 1997, 9- 10, 150- 1, 155- 6.

- Gonda, J., “The original value of greek δέ”, Mnemosyne 10/2 (1957), 97- 102.

- Hernández Muñoz, F.G., “Μέν > δέ > δ’ : une loi d’authenticité démosthénique ?”, LEC 75 3 (2007), 249- 50.

- Hooker, J. T., “Postpositive -δέ”, IF 70 (1965), 164- 217.

- Larsen, I. A., “Notes on the Function of γάρ, μέν, δέ, καί and τε in the Greek New Testament”, in Notes on Translation 5/1 (1991), 35- 47.

- Leumann, M., “Μέν und μήν, δέ und δή”, MH 6 (1949), 85- 9.

- Martín López, M. I., “La función discursiva de la partícula griega δέ”, Habis 24 (1993), 219- 234.

- McLennan, G. R., “Μέν and δέ referring to the same person”, Glotta 53 1/2 (1975), 76- 8.

- Poythress, V. S., “The Use of the Intersentence Conjunctions ‘de’, ‘oun’, ‘kai’, and Asyndeton in the Gospel of John”, NT 26/4 (1984), 312- 40.

- Quiroga Puertas, A., “γὼ δὲ : en cambio yo…”, in Aproaches de la Troisième Sophistique, cf. Amato, E./ Roduit. A./ Steinrück, M. (eds.) in C), 27- 37.

- Race, W.H., “Explanatory δέ-clauses in the Iliad”, CJ 95 (2000), 205- 227.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Δέ”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 95- 118.

- Íd., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 171- 80.

- Rijksbaron, A. “Sur quelques differences entre oὕτος + sustantif, oὕτος δέ + sustantif, δέ + sustantif et οὕτος chez Herodote”, Lalies 12 (1991), 119- 30.

- Rijksbaron, A.., “Adverb or connector? The case of καὶδέ”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 187- 208.

- Risch, E., “Die verschiedenen Partikeln δέ im Griechischen”, in Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore Pisani, cf. Aa.Vv. in C), 831- 43.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Particles in question in Plato” (οὐκοῦν, ἆρα, ᾶροὖν, ἄρα, τί οὖν, τί δέ, τί δή, τί οὖν δή, τί ποτε) in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 157- 74.

- Slings, S. R., “Δέ or δή in a Defixio from Olbia?” Mnemosyne 51/1 (1998), 84- 5.

- Thrall, M. E., “Zerwick’s Theory of the Marcan Use of Δέ”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 50- 63.

- Íd., “Marking a Turning Point in the Narrative Δέ”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 63- 7.

- Verdenius, W. J., “Inceptive δέ again”, Mnemosyne 27/2 (1974), 73- 4.

- Wooten, C. W.,“A Triple Division in Demosthenes”, CPh. 94 (1999), 450- 4.

Δή

- Denniston, J. D., δή”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 203- 262.

- Leumann, M., “Μέν und μήν, δέ und δή”, MH 6 (1949), 85- 9.

- Ophuijsen, J. M. Van, “Οὖν, ἄρα, δή, τοινῦν. The Linguistic Articulation of Arguments in Plato’s Phaedo”, in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 140- 51.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Δή”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico : Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 79- 90.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Particles in question in Plato” (οὐκοῦν, ἆρα, ᾶροὖν, ἄρα, τί οὖν, τί δέ, τί δή, τί οὖν δή, τί ποτε) in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 157- 74.

- Slings, S. R., “Δέ or δή in a Defixio from Olbia?” Mnemosyne 51/1 (1998), 84- 5.

- Souletis, M. A., “Chaines pronominales dans l’Iliade” : ordre fixe, variations d’ordre et fonctions de quelques particules”, Syntaktika 17 (1999), 1- 5.

Δήπου

- Lee, J. A. L./ Horsley, G. H. R., “A Lexicon of the New Testament with Documentary Parallels: Some Interim Entries, 2”, FNT 11 (1998), 81- 2.

Δήπουθεν

- Denniston, J. D., δήπουθεν”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 268- 9.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Dos notas sobre poetas yámbicos”, Veleia 7 (1990), 258- 64.

- Íd., “δήκουθεν”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 91- 4.

Διότι

- Lillo, A., “Sur l’origine du διότι complétif”, in Les complétives in grec ancien, Jacquinod, B. (ed.), Saint-Etienne 1999, 313- 29.

- Íd., “El uso de διότι completivo en la prosa ática”, in ΚΑΛΟΝ ΘΕΑΜΑ, cf. Bécares Botas, V./ Fernández Álvarez, P./ Fernández Vallina, E. (eds.) in C), 101- 13.

- Íd., “La pauta ὁτι... καὶ διότι... introduciendo oraciones completivas”, in ΕΠΙΕΙΚΕΙΑ, cf. Alganza Roldán, M. et alii (eds.) in C), 239- 248.

Ἔαν

- Rijksbaron, A., “Sur les emplois de ἔαν et ἐπεάν”, Lalies 12 (1991), 131- 44.

- Rodríguez Alfageme, I., “Las condicionales en Hesíodo”, CFC(G) 4 (1994), 21- 34.

- Tod, M. N., “Lexicographical Notes”, Hermathena 59 (1942), 87.

Εἰ

- Bain, D., “Another example of elliptical εἰ δοὖν ~ εἰ δὲ μή in a late Greek medical text”, Eikasmos 9 (1998), 213- 4.

- Crespo, E., “La expresión de la finalidad en las subordinadas del griego antiguo”, REspLing 18/2 (1988), 285- 98.

- Gehman, H. S., “The hebraic character of Septuagint Greek”, in Septuagintal Lexicography, Kraft, R. A. (ed.), Montana 1975, 104.

- Luria, S., “Sur la question de l’origine de la conjonction conditionelle εἰ in grec”, Publ. de l’Univ. Ivan Franka, Sect. Philol. Class. I (1959), 52- 60.

- Rodríguez Alfageme, I., “Las condicionales en Hesíodo”, CFC(G) 4 (1994), 21- 34.

- Pulleyn, S. J., “The supposed causal εἰ in Homer”, Mnemosyne 53/3 (2000), 257- 66.

- Tabachovitz, D., Homerische εἰ- Sätze. Eine sprachpsychologische Studie, Lund 1951.

- Wakker, G. C., “Conditionele bijzinnen met finale nuance in het Grieks”, Lampas 19 (1986), 159- 174.

- Íd., Conditions and conditionals. An investigation on Ancient Greek, diss. Amsterdam 1994.

Ἐιτα

- Alberti, G. B., “L’uso delle particelle nella formula di correlazione πρῶτον (-α)… ἔπειτα”, Maia 11 (1959), 44- 62.

- Dover, K. J., Evolution of Greek Prose style, Oxford 1997, 76- 77.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 180- 1.

Ἔμπης

- Biraud, M., “Les usages du connecteur concessif ἔμπης dans l’ʻOdysséeʼ : de la mention explicite d’une altérité de point de vue au dialogisme implicite”, Gaia 7 (2007), 53- 82.

- Reynen, H., “Die Partikel οὖν bei Homer”, Glotta 37 (1958), 67- 102, 182- 204.

Ἐπεί

- Bolling, G. M., “Description of epei’s Syntax in Homer”, Glotta 38 (1960), 18- 33.

- Knebel, G., “Bemerkungen zu “Description of epei’s Syntax” von G. Melville Bolling”, Glotta 38 (1959), 38- 43.

- Kraus, W., “Ein konzessiv-adversatives ἐπεί? Vorstudie fuer einen griechischen Thesaurus”, in Forschungen zur roemischen Literatur, cf. Wimmel, W. (ed.) in C), 146- 50.

- Muchnová, D., “Les propositions causales en ἐπεί”, GLP 14, (1993), 89- 96.

- Íd., “Ἐπεί en tant que particule dans les phrases autonomes”, GLP 18 (2000), 119- 135.

- Íd., “ ʻEpeiʼ homérique : sémantique, syntaxe, pragmatique”, Gaia 7 (2003), 105- 16.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 181- 2.

- Renehan, R., “Some supplements to the revised LSJ Supplement”, Glotta 77 (2001), 230- 1.

- Reynen, H., “Die Partikel οὖν bei Homer”, Glotta 36 (1957), 1- 47.

- Rijksbaron, A., “ἐπεί en ὥς, temporeel of kausaal?”, Glotta 5 (1972), 465- 76.

- Íd., Temporal & Causal Conjunctions in Ancient Greek with Special Reference to the Use of ἐπεί and ἕως in Herodotus, diss. Amsterdam 1976.

- Schrier, O. J., “Het kausale en temporele gebruik van ἐπεί en ὥς in Herodotus”, Lampas 6 (1973), 342- 7.

Ἐπειδάν

- Mortier-Waldschmidt, O., “Aspect et temps: enquête sur ἐπειδάν”, in Ἐν κοινωνία πᾶσα φιλία cf. Breuil, J. L. et alii (eds.) in C), 139- 55.

- Rijksbaron, A., “Sur les emplois de ἔαν et ἐπεάν”, Lalies 12 (1991), 131- 44.

Ἐπειδή

- Wooten, C. W.,“A Triple Division in Demosthenes”, CPh. 94 (1999), 450- 4.

Ἐπείπερ

- Janácek, K., “ Καίπερ und ἐπείπερ als Kriterien der relativen Chronologie”, LF 6 (1958), 176- 8.

Ἔπειτα

- Alberti, G. B., “L’uso delle particelle nella formula di correlazione πρῶτον (-α)… ἔπειτα”, Maia 11 (1959), 44- 62.

- Dover, K. J., Evolution of Greek Prose style, Oxford 1997, 76- 7.

Ἕως

- Chanet, A. M., “ Ἕως et πρίν en grec classique”, REG 92 (1979), 166- 207.

- Crespo, E., “La expresión de la finalidad en las subordinadas del griego antiguo”, REspLing 18/2 (1988), 285- 98.

- Lillo, A. “¿Hay testimonios de ἕως + imperfecto para la expresión del límite temporal en el pasado, ‘hasta que’ ?”, Myrtia 20 (2005), 9-16.

- Íd., “Notas sobre la expresión de la simultaneidad en Heródoto : las construcciones temporales ἐν y ἕως”, in Amica Verba in honores Prof. Antonio Roldán Pérez I, cf. Escavy, R. et alii (eds.) in C), 471-80.

- Íd., “¿Hay testimonios de ἕως ἄν + subjuntivo de presente con el valor de ‘hasta que’ ?”, in Koinós Lógos, cf. Valverde, M./ Calderón, E./ Morales, A. (eds.) in C), 477- 85.

- Muraoka, T., “Septuagintal Lexicography: some general remarks”, in Melbourne symposium on Septuagint lexicography, Muraoka, T. (ed.), Atlanta 1990, 20- 1.

- Pérez Cañizares, P., “Las subordinadas con ἕως en el Corpus Hipocrático”, CFC(G) 5 (1995), 295- 319.

- Íd., “ἕως οὑ como introductor de oración en Heródoto II, 143, 4 y Corpus Hippocraticum Morb. IV, 51”, Minerva 10 (1996), 33- 8.

- Rijksbaron, A., Temporal & Causal Conjunctions in Ancient Greek with Special Reference to the Use of ἐπεί and ἕως in Herodotus, diss. Amsterdam 1976.

- Wooten, C. W., “The conditional nature of ἕως-clauses in Attic prose of the fifth and fourth centuries”, Glotta 53 (1975), 217- 22.

- Belli, G., “Semantica ed etimologia nel passaggio disgiuntivo > interrogativo (Apollonio Discolo, ‘de con.’ 226, 23 - 227, 20)”, Aevum 60/1 (1986), 31.

- Muraoka, T., “Septuagintal Lexicography: some general remarks”, in Melbourne symposium on Septuagint lexicography, Muraoka, T. (ed.), Atlanta 1990, 21- 3.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 129- 32.

- Revuelta Puigdollers, A., “Parallel focus particles, specially in Ancient Greek”, in Cien años de investigación semántica: de Michel Bréal a la actualidad, cf. Martínez, M. et alii (eds.) in C), 1175- 90.

- Slings, S. R., “Bacchylides XVIII 41-42 ” ZPE 80 (1990), 9-10.

- Thrall, M. E., “ἀλλ for ἀλλά”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 16- 20.

- Erp Taalman Kip, A. M. Van, “ γάρ in questions”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 151- 6.

- Griffin, J., “Homeric Words and Speakers”, JHS 106 (1986), 36- 57.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 125- 27.

- Slings, S. R., “Bacchylides XVIII 41-42 ” ZPE 80 (1990), 9- 10.

Ἠδέ

- Lapini, W., “Due note su P. Oxy. 4030, col. V, 21- 31 (Eschine contra Timarco 51- 52) e alcuni appunti su καί γε ed ἠδέ γε nei testi Grecia”, ZPE 152 (2005), 31- 41.

Ἤδη

- Redondo Moyano, E., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 183.

- Wakker, G. C., “Une première description de ἤδη chez Xénophon”, Syntaktika 23 (2002), 1- 14.

Ἡνίκα

- Espinos, J. A., “A propósito de ἡνίκα en el Corpus Hippocraticum”, CFC(G) 5 (1995), 193- 6.

Ἤτοι

- Frazer, R. M., “Corrective ἤτοι in Homer and Hesiod”, Mnemosyne 34/3-4 (1981), 265- 271.

- Ruijgh, C. J., “L’emploi de ἤτοι chez Homere et Hesiode”, Mnemosyne 34/3-4 (1981), 272- 87.

- Sijpesteijn, P. J., “The meanings of ἤτοι in the papyri”, ZPE 90 (1992), 241- 50.

Ἰδέ

- Gusmani, R., “Zwei kyprische konjunktionen”, Glotta 44/1-2 (1966), 19- 25.

- Pryke, E. J.,ἴδε and ἰδοῦ”, NTS 14 (1968), 418- 24.

Ἰδοῦ

- D’Alessio, G. B. (2007) “ἤν ἰδού : ecce satyri (Pratina, PMG 708 = TrGF 4 F 3). Alcune considerazioni sull’uso della deissi nei testi lirici e teatrali”, in Dalla lirica corale alla poesia drammatica. Forme e funzioni del canto corale nella tragedia e nella commedia greca, Perusino, F. (ed.) Rome 2007, 95- 128.

- Johannessohn, M. “Das biblische καὶ ἰδού in der Erzählung samt seiner hebräischen Vorlag”, ZSV 67 (1940), 30- 84.

- Pryke, E. J.,ἴδε and ἰδού”, NTS 14 (1968), 418- 24.

- Vargas-Machuca, A. “Καὶ ἰδού en el estilo narrativo de Mateo”, Biblica 50 (1969), 233- 44.

Ἵνα

- Boel, G. De, “La completive : au carrefour de la syntaxe, de la sémantique et de la pragmatique”, in Études de syntaxe du grec clasique, Biraud, M. (ed.), Niza 1991, 53- 64.

- Crespo, E., “La expresión de la finalidad en las subordinadas del griego antiguo”, REspLing 18/2 (1988), 285- 98.

- Delebecque, E., “Note sur un emploi de ἵνα chez Jean”, LEC 54 (1986), 147-158.

- George, A. R., “The imperatival use of ἵνα in the New Testament”, JThS 1944, 56- 60.

- González Martín, A. M., Estudio de ὅπως- ὅκως, ἵνα, ὥστε y ὥς (final-completivo y consecutivo) en el Corpus Hipocrático, diss. Madrid 2008.

- Hernández Muñoz, F., “Algunos datos sobre la evolución de ἵνα en griego : la lengua de Eurípides”, in Actas del Congreso de la Sociedad Española de Lingüística, cf. Álvarez Martínez, M. A. (ed.) in C), 206- 215.

- Isart Hernández, M. C., Estructura de la frase verbal en Sóflocles : A.I., O.T. O.C. : con un estudio particularizado de la subordinación final, orden de las oraciones, responsiones verbales y métrica, diss. Madrid 1991.

- Labiano Ilundain, J. M., “La cronología de ἵνα con subjuntivo en expresión de mandato : la lengua de Sófocles, Eurípides y Jenofonte”, CFC(G) 18 (2008), 55- 72.

- Meecham, H. G., “The imperatival use of ἵνα”, JThS 43 (1942), 179- 80.

Καί

- Alberti, G. B., “L’uso delle particelle nella formula di correlazione πρῶτον (-α)… ἔπειτα”, Maia 11 (1959), 44- 62.

- Bennekom, R. Van, “Καὶ γὰρ οὖν and Καὶ γάρ τοι”, Mnemosyne 15 (1962), 393- 4.

- Black, S. L., Sentence conjunction in the Gospel of Matthew, καί, δέ, τότε, γάρ, οὖν and the asyndeton in narrative discourse, Sheffield 2002.

- Blomqvist, J. “Juxtaposed τε καί in postclassical prose”, Hermes 102 (1974), 170- 8.

- Íd., “Das sogennante καί adversativum. Zur semantic einer griechischen partikel”, in Studia Graeca Upsaliensia 13 (1979).

- Braunert, H.,“Ein rhetorischer Gebrauch von οὐ μόνον... ἀλλὰ καί”, RhM 105 (1962), 226- 236.

- Butrica, J. L., “A pleonastic use of καί and ʻetʼ in epic similes”, Mnemosyne 53/2 (2000), 129- 38.

- Cernuda, A. V., “La filiación divina según καί en 1 Jn. 2,29 y 3,1”, EB 36 (1977), 85- 90.

- Díaz Tejera, A., “Implicatura y sentidos en partículas conectivas”, REspLing. 25/2 (1995), 311- 22.

- Dover, K. J., Evolution of Greek Prose style, Oxford 1997, 9- 10, 70- 2.

- Durling, R. J., “Ἀτὰρ οὖν καί in Galen and in his predecessors”, Glotta 73/1-4 (1995-6), 76.

- Egea, J. M., “Notas sobre dos partículas del griego medio”, Veleia 7 (1990), 293- 301.

- Gusmani, R., “Zwei kyprische konjunktionen”, Glotta 44/1- 2 (1966), 19- 25 (κάς).

- Horst, P. W. Van Der, “ ‘Only Then Will All Israel Be Saved’: A Short Note on the Meaning of καί οὕτως in Romans 11:26”, JBL 119 (2000), 521- 25.

- Johannessohn, M. “Das biblische καί ἰδού in der Erzählung samt seiner hebräischen Vorlag”, ZSV 67 (1940), 30- 84.

- Lambert, F., “Un cas de coordination correlative : τε… καὶ en grec ancien”, in Structures parallèles et corrélatives en grec et en latin, cf. Carvalho, P. de/ Lambert, F. (eds.) in C), 99- 116.

- Lapini, W., “Due note su P. Oxy. 4030, col. V, 21- 31 (Eschine contra Timarco 51- 52) e alcuni appunti su καί γε ed ἠδέ γε nei testi Grecia”, ZPE 152 (2005), 31- 41.

- Larsen, I. A., “Notes on the Function of γάρ, μέν, δέ, καί and τε in the Greek New Testament”, in Notes on Translation 5/1 (1991), 35-47.

- Loussau, M., “Καί initial et quelques prolongements litteraires”, LEC 58/3 (1990), 247- 257.

- Lüttel, V., Κάς und καί. Dialektale und chronologische Probleme im Zusammenhang mit Dissimilation und Apocope, Gottingen 1981.

- McArthur, H. K., “Kαί frecuency in Greek letters”, NTS 15 (1969), 339- 49.

- Meridor, R., “Καὶ μήν”, Mnemosyne 32/1-2 (1979), 161.

- Poythress, V. S., “The Use of the Intersentence Conjunctions ‘de’, ‘oun’, ‘kai’, and Asyndeton in the Gospel of John”, NT 26/4 (1984), 312- 40.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Kαί”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 133- 55.

- Íd., “Τε καὶ yuxtapuesto en la obra de los tres grandes poetas helenísticos: Calímaco, Apolonio y Teócrito”, in Actas del IX Congreso español de Estudios Clásicos, cf. Rodríguez Adrados, F. (ed.) in C), 195- 200.

- Íd., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 171- 80.

- Rijksbaron, A., “Adverb or connector? The case of καίδέ”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 187- 208.

- Slings, S. R., “Καί adversativum”, in Some Thoughts on the Semantics of Coordination, Amsterdam 1980, 101- 125.

- Thrall, M. E., “ἀλλά γε, καὶ γε, καίτοι γε”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 36- 9.

- Trenkner, S., “Le style καί dans le récit attique oral”, Mnemosyne 14 (1961), 242- 7.

- Vargas-Machuca, A. “Καί ὶδού en el estilo narrativo de Mateo”, Biblica 50 (1969), 233- 44.

- Verdenius, W. J., “Καί, and generally”, Mnemosyne 7/1 (1954), 38.

- Íd., “Adversative καί again”, Mnemosyne 28/2 (1975), 189- 90.

- Íd., “Καί belonging to a whole clause”, Mnemosyne 29/2 (1976), 181.

- Íd., “Ὥστε καί”, Mnemosyne 30 (1977), 423.

- Vicent, A., “El valor atenuado de διὸ καί dentro y fuera del Nuevo Testamento”, EB 32 (1973).

- Wathelet, P., “Mycénien et grec d’Homère”, (2. la particule καί), AClass 33 (1944), 10- 44.

- Willy, A., “καί mykenisch oder nachmykenisch?”, Glotta 79 (2003), 224- 48.

- Windekens, A. J. Van, “L’origine pelasgique de grecque καί et κάς”, Orbis 12 (1963), 476- 9.

Καίπερ

- Blomqvist, J., “καίπερ”, in Greek Particles in Hellenistic Prose, Lund 1969, 46- 8.

- Janácek, K., “Καίπερ und ἐπείπερ als Kriterien der relativen Chronologie”, LF 6 (1958), 176- 8.

- Scheidweiler, F., “ΚΑΙΠΕΡ nebst einem exkurs zum Hebräerbrief”, Hermes 83 (1955), 220- 30.

Kαίτοι

- Blomqvist, J., “καίτοι”, in Greek Particles in Hellenistic Prose, Lund 1969, 35- 45.

- Jacquinod, B., “Sur le rôle pragmatique de καίτοι”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 131- 49.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Καίτοι”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 157- 9.

- Renehan, R., “Some supplements to the revised LSJ Supplement”, Glotta 77 (2001), 233.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Devices for text articulation in Lysias I and XII” in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 31- 33.

- Slings, S. R., “Adversative Relators between PUSH and POP”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 101- 129.

- Íd., “Critical Notes on Plato’s Politeia, IV”, Mnemosyne 54 (2001), 173- 6.

- Thrall, M. E., “ἀλλά γε, καὶ γε, καίτοι γε”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 36- 9.

Λοιπόν

- Blomqvist, J., “λοιπόν”, in Greek Particles in Hellenistic Prose, Lund 1969, 100- 3.

- Cavallin, A., “(Τό) λοιπόν, Eine Bedeutungsgeschichtliche Untersuchung”, Eranos 39 (1941), 121- 44.

Mέν

- Alberti, G. B., “L’uso delle particelle nella formula di correlazione πρῶτον (-α)… ἔπειτα”, Maia 11 (1959), 44- 62.

- Briand, M., “Les énoncés en …μέν… δέ… dans les Idylles de Théocrite : syntaxe, pragmatique, poétique”, in Structures parallèles et corrélatives en grec et en latin, cf. Carvalho, P. de/ Lambert, F. (eds.) in C), 201- 23.

- Dover, K. J., Evolution of Greek Prose style, Oxford 1997, 9- 10, 150- 1, 155- 6.

- Hernández Muñoz, F. G., “Μέν > δέ > δ’ : une loi d’authenticité démosthénique ?”, LEC 75 3 (2007), 249- 50.

- Larsen, I. A., “Notes on the Function of γάρ, μέν, δέ, καί and τε in the Greek New Testament”, in Notes on Translation 5/1 (1991), 35- 47.

- Leumann, M., “Μέν und μήν, δέ und δή”, MH 6 (1949), 85- 9.

- McLennan, G. R., “Μέν and δέ referring to the same person”, Glotta 53 1/2 (1975), 76- 8.

- Nickau, K., “Nachgeholtes μέν praeparativum und der rasende Apollodoros zu Plat. Symp. 173d8”, GFA 3 (2000), 143-151.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Μέν”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 167- 79.

- Íd., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 184.

- Wakker, G. C., “Le probleme de ἔτι μέν avec aoriste”, Syntaktika 22 (2001), 1-4.

- Wooten, C. W.,“A Triple Division in Demosthenes”, CPh. 94 (1999), 450- 4.

Μέντοι

- Blomqvist, J., “Ἀλλά... μήν, ἀλλά...μέντοι, an atticistic particle usage”, Eranos 93/1 (1995), 3- 23.

- Íd., “μέντοι”, in Greek Particles in Hellenistic Prose, Lund 1969, 27- 35.

- Denniston, J. D., μέντοι”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 397- 415.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 184- 6.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Devices for text articulation in Lysias I and XII” in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 33- 5.

- Slings, S. R., “Adversative Relators between PUSH and POP”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 101- 129.

- Bain, D., “Another example of elliptical εἰ δοὖν ~ εἰ δὲ μή in a late Greek medical text”, Eikasmos 9 (1998), 213- 4.

- Braunlich, A. F., “Euripides Medea 239 and 815. Μή with the causal participle”, AJPh 77 (1956), 415- 8.

- Campbell, A. Y., “The οὐ μή constructions and Aristophanes, Clouds 295- 7”, CR 57 (1943), 58- 61.

- Crespo, E., “La expresión de la finalidad en las subordinadas del griego antiguo”, REspLing 18/2 (1988), 285- 98.

- García Novo, E. “Esquema funcional de μή y ὥς en oración final y de temor”, Habis 15 (1984), 71- 84.

- Gregor, D. B., “The aorist in μή clauses”, CR 4 (1954), 97.

- Harry, J. E., “Créon et son fils, ἆρα μή (Soph., Ant. 632)”, RPh. 66 (1940), 5- 10/ CR 54 (1940), 118- 9.

- Holley N. M., “The aorist in μή clauses”, CR 4 (1954), 2- 3.

- Humbert, J., “Les négations”, in Syntaxe Grecque, Paris 1960, 345- 67.

- Louw, J. P., “On Greek Prohibitions”, AClass 2 (1959), 43- 57.

- Malherbe, A. J., “Μή γένοιτο and the diatribe of Paul”, HThR 78 (1980), 231- 40.

- Moorhouse, A. C., “The construction with μή οὐ”, CQ 34/1-2 (1940), 70- 7.

- Íd., “On negativing Greek participles, where the leading verbs are of a type to require μή”, CQ 42/1-2 (1948), 35- 40.

- Íd., “Studies in the Greek negatives”, Mnemosyne 26 (1963), 289- 93.

- Muraoka, T., “Septuagintal Lexicography: some general remarks”, in Melbourne symposium on Septuagint lexicography, Muraoka, T. (ed.), Atlanta 1990, 23- 5.

- Pritchett, W. K., “Mή with the participle”, AJPh 79 (1958), 392- 404.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Οὐδέ, μηδέ”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 119- 24.

- Stephens, L.,“ The origin of a Homeric Peculiarity: μή plus aorist imperative”, TAPhA 113 (1983), 69- 78.

- Tabachovitz, D., “Furcht und Hoffnung. Zum Gebrauch von μή und μή οὐ in Beführchtungssätzen und beim Infiniv”, Eranos 49 (1951), 93- 101.

- Wallace, P. W., “Μή with the participle in Longus and Aquilles Tatius”, AJPh 89 (1968), 321- 33.

- Wimbush, V. L., Ὡς μή Paul’s use of an expresion in the context of understandings of “world” in early Christianity (I Cor. 7.29-35), diss. Cambridge (MA) 1983.

Μήν

- Blomqvist, J., “Ἀλλά... μήν, ἀλλά...μέντοι, an atticistic particle usage”, Eranos 93/1 (1995), 3- 23.

- Íd., “μήν”, in Greek Particles in Hellenistic Prose, Lund 1969, 48- 75.

- Leumann, M., “Μέν und μήν, δέ und δή”, MH 6 (1949), 85- 9.

- Meridor, R., “Καὶ μήν”, Mnemosyne 32/1-2 (1979), 161.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Μήν”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico : Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 163- 66.

- Wakker, G. C., “Mάν/μήν”, Lexicon des frühgriechischen Epos 15 (1994), 29- 30.

- Íd., “The Discourse Function of Particles. Some observations on the use of μάν/μήν in Theocritus”, in Hellenistica Groningana II, cf. Harder, M. A./ Regtuit, R. F./ Wakker, G. C. (eds.) in C), 247- 263.

- Íd., “Emphasis and Affirmation. Some aspects of μήν in Plato”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 209- 31.

Ναί

- Derrett, J./ Duncan, M., “Ναί (2 Cor. 1, 19-20)”, FNT 4 (1991), 205- 10.

Νή

- Macleod, M. D., “A rare use of νή in Menander and Lucian”, CR 20 (1970), 289.

Νύν

- Souletis, M. A., “Chaines pronominales dans l’Iliade” : ordre fixe, variations d’ordre et fonctions de quelques particules”, Syntaktika 17 (1999), 1- 5.

Ὀπίσσω

- Balode, S./ Blomqvist, J., “Ὀπίσω with Genitive in Extra-Biblical Greek”, Eranos 100 (2002), 101- 108.

- Revuelta Puigdollers, A., Estudio de las partículas griegas αὖ, αὖτε, αὖθις, ἄψ, πάλιν, y ὀπίσσω, diss. (unpublished) Madrid 1996.

Ὅκως

- Amigues, S., Les subordonnées finales par ὅπως in attique classique, Paris 1977.

- Boel, G. de, “La completive : au carrefour de la syntaxe, de la sémantique et de la pragmatique”, in Études de syntaxe du grec clasique, Biraud, M. (ed.), Niza 1991, 53- 64.

- Crespo, E., “La expresión de la finalidad en las subordinadas del griego antiguo”, REspLing 18/2 (1988), 285- 98.

- González Martín, A. M., Estudio de ὅπως- ὅκως, ἵνα, ὥστε y ὥς (final-completivo y consecutivo) en el Corpus Hipocrático, diss. Madrid 2008.

- Íd., “ὅκως no subordinado en el ʻcorpus Hipocráticoʼ ”, CFC(G) 17 (2009), 203- 14.

- Isart Hernández, M. C., Estructura de la frase verbal en Sóflocles : A.I., O.T. O.C. : con un estudio particularizado de la subordinación final, orden de las oraciones, responsiones verbales y métrica, diss. Madrid 1991.

- Jiménez López, M. D.,ὅπως tras verbos de intención o esfuerzo en ático clásico”, Habis 25 (1994), 431- 49.

Ὁτι

- Aejmelaeus, A.,Ὅτι causale in Septuagintal Greek”, in On the Trail of the Septuagint Translators. Collected Essays, Kampen 1993, 17- 36.

- Kwiatkowski, T., “Syllogismes ὅτι διότι chez Aristote”, Annales Univ. Mariae Curie Sklodowska Sectio F 16 (1961), 1- 22.

- Lillo, A., “La pauta ὁτικαὶ διότι… introduciendo oraciones completivas”, in ΕΠΙΕΙΚΕΙΑ, cf. Alganza Roldán, M. et alii (eds.) in C), 239- 248.

- Lillo, A., “La locución ‘ὥς ὅτι’ en griego antiguo”, Myrtia 23 (2008), 17- 28.

- Mendez Dosuna, J. V., “Sobre un presunto ‘καθὅτι’ con valor locativo en Pausanias”, Emerita 71/2 (2003), 227-43.

- Menken, M. J. J.,Ὁτι in 1 Tm 6,7”, Biblica 58 (1977), 532- 41.

- Winter, P.Ὁτι recitativum in Luke I, 25, 61;II, 23”, ZNTW 46 (1955), 261- 3/ HThR 48 (1955), 213- 6.

Οὐ

- Braunert, H.,“Ein rhetorischer Gebrauch von oὐ μόνον... ἀλλὰ καί”, RhM 105 (1962), 226- 36.

- Campbell, A. Y., “The οὐ μή constructions and Aristophanes, Clouds 295- 7”, CR 57 (1943), 58- 61.

- Humbert, J., “Les négations”, in Syntaxe Grecque, Paris 1960, 345- 67.

- Louw, J. P., “On Greek Prohibitions”, AClass 2 (1959), 43- 57.

- Moorhouse, A. C., “The construction with μὴ οὐ”, CQ 34/1-2 (1940), 70- 7.

- Íd., “Studies in the Greek negatives”, Mnemosyne 26 (1963), 289- 93.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Dos notas sobre poetas yámbicos”, Veleia 7 (1990), 258- 64.

Οὐδέ

- Denniston, J. D., Οὐδέ, μηδέ”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 190- 9.

- Moorhouse, A. C., “Studies in the Greek negatives”, Mnemosyne 26 (1963), 289- 93.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Οὐδέ, μηδέ”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 119- 24.

- Verdenius, W. J., “Οὐδέ for not”, Mnemosyne 7/1 (1954), 68.

- Verdenius, W. J., “Οὐδέ not at all”, Mnemosyne 32/1-2 (1979), 164.

Οὖν

- Bain, D., “Another example of elliptical εἰ δοὖν ~ εἰ δὲ μή in a late Greek medical text”, Eikasmos 9 (1998), 213- 4.

- Bennekom, R. Van, “Καὶ γὰρ οὖν and Καὶ γάρ τοι”, Mnemosyne 15 (1962), 393- 4.

- Black, S. L., Sentence conjunction in the Gospel of Matthew, καί, δέ, τότε, γάρ, οὖν and the asyndeton in narrative discourse, Sheffield 2002.

- Durling, R. J., “ Ἀτὰρ οὖν καί in Galen and in his predecessors”, Glotta 73/1 and 73/4 (1995-6), 76.

- Ophuijsen, J. M. Van, “Οὖν, ἄρα, δή, τοινῦν. The Linguistic Articulation of Arguments in Plato’s Phaedo”, in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 89- 100.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Ostrowiecki, H., “Limites du dialogue. Breve étude de la particule oὖν dans le Menon”, RPh 68 1/2, (1994), 171- 85.

- Patillon, M., “Γoῦν et δ’oὖν dans les Vies de Diogène Laërce”, REG 112/2 (1999), 731- 733.

- Poythress, V. S., “The Use of the Intersentence Conjunctions ‘de’, ‘oun’, ‘kai’, and Asyndeton in the Gospel of John”, NT 26/4 (1984), 312- 40.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Οὖν”, “Γοῦν”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 181- 89, 77- 8.

- Íd., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 186- 98.

- Reynen, H., “Die Partikel oὖν bei Homer”, Glotta 36 (1957), 1- 47.

- Íd.,Die Partikel oὖν bei Homer”, Glotta 37 (1958), 67- 102, 182- 204.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Devices for text articulation in Lysias I and XII” in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 25- 8.

- Íd., “Particles in question in Plato” (οὐκοῦν, ἆρα, ᾶροὖν, ἄρα, τί οὖν, τί δέ, τί δή, τί οὖν δή, τί ποτε) in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 157- 74.

- Thrall, M. E., “ἄρα οῦν”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 10- 11.

- Íd., “μενοῦν”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 34.

Οὔνεκα

- Lillo, A., “Οὔνεκα con valor completivo, ‘el hecho de que’ en Homero”, Syntaktika 28 (2004), 1- 16.

Οὔτε

- Moorhouse, A. C., “Studies in the Greek negatives”, Mnemosyne 26 (1963), 289- 93.

Ὄφρα

- Crespo, E., “La conjunción ὄφρα. Significado y contexto”, in Athlon, cf. Cuenca, L. A. de et alii (eds.) in C), 129- 38.

- Íd., “La expresión de la finalidad en las subordinadas del griego antiguo”, REspLing 18/2 (1988), 285- 98.

- Bolling, G. M., “Ὄφρα in the Homeric Poems”, Language (1949), 379- 87.

Πάλιν

-Mateos, J., “Contribuciones al DGENT (Diccionario Griego-Español del Nuevo Testamento) : πάλιν en el Nuevo Testamento”, FNT 7 (1994), 65- 80.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 198.

- Revuelta Puigdollers, A., Estudio de las partículas griegas αὖ, αὖτε, αὖθις, ἄψ, πάλιν, y ὀπίσσω, diss. (unpublished) Madrid 1996.- Íd., “Word Classes, Functions and Syntactic Level: the case of πάλιν”, in Word Classes and Related Topics in Ancient Greek, cf. Crespo, E./ de la Villa, J./ Revuelta, A. R. (eds.) in C), 455- 69.

Περ

- Bakker, E. J., “Ὅσπερ en εἴπερ: een aspect van Attische conversatie”, Lampas 19 (1986), 142- 58.

-Íd., Linguistics and Formulas in Homer. Scalarity and the Descripcion of the Particle περ, Philadelphia 1988.

-Íd., “Concession and Identification: the diachronic Development of the Particle -per”, in Miscelanea Linguistica Gaeco-Latina, Isebaert, L. (ed.), Namur 1993, 1-17.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Περ”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 191- 97.

Πλήν

- Blomqvist, J., “πλήν”, in Greek Particles in Hellenistic Prose, Lund 1969, 75- 100.

- Lee, J. A. L., A History of New Testament Lexicography (Studies in Biblical Greek 8), New York 2003, 311- 5.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Πλήν”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico : Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 199- 202.

- Íd., “Estudio de los usos de πλήν y de su empleo en la novela griega antigua”, Veleia 20 (2003), 409- 35.

- Thrall, M. E., “πλήν as an Adversative and Progressive Conjunction”, in Greek particles in the New Testament: linguistic and exegetical studies, Leiden 1962, 20- 5.

Που

- Bernardi, J., “La formule που εἴσιν. Saint Jean Chrysostome a-t-il imité saint Grégoire de Nacianze ?”, Studia Patristica, I (1957), 177- 81.

- Booth, N. B. “Ζεύς ὕψιστος μέγιστος. An argument for enclitic που in Aeschylus, Agamenon 182”, CQ 26 (1976), 220- 8.

Πρίν

- Amigues, S., “Remarques sur la syntaxe de πρίν”, LEC 48 (1980), 193- 200.

- Chanet, A. M., “ Ἕως et πρίν en grec classique”, REG 92 (1979), 166- 207.

- García Novo, E., “Relación entre infinitivo y modos en la oración de πρίν tomando como ejemplo el Corpus Hippocraticum”, CFC(G) 2 (1992), 137- 63.

- Íd., “El adverbio πρίν y el autor C del Corpus Hipocraticum”, CFC(G) 3 (1993), 129- 39.

- Wilson, J. R., “Negative πρίν Clauses and the Rhetoric of Achilles”, Glotta 69/3-4, (1991), 175- 83.

Πώ

- Fontenrose, J. E., “On the particle πώ in Homer”, AJPh 62/1 (1941), 65- 79.

Τε

- Bloch, A.,“Was bedeutet das “epische” τε?”, MH 12 (1955), 145- 53.

- Blomqvist, J. “Juxtaposed τε καὶ in postclassical prose”, Hermes 102 (1974), 170- 8.

- Elliot, J. K., “Τε in the New Testament”, ThZ 46 (1990), 202- 4.

- Garbrah, K. A., “On the enumerative use of τε”, ZPE 96 (1993), 191- 210.

- Lambert, F., “Un cas de coordination correlative : τε… καὶ en grec ancien”, in Structures parallèles et corrélatives en grec et en latin, cf. Carvalho, P. de/ Lambert, F. (eds.) in C), 99- 116.

- Larsen, I. A., “Notes on the Function of γάρ, μέν, δέ, καί and τε in the Greek New Testament”, in Notes on Translation 5/1 (1991), 35- 47.

- Lillo, A. “El uso de τε épico con subjuntivo y su relación con la partícula modal”, in Dialectologica Graeca, cf. Crespo, E./ García Ramón, J. L./ Striano, A. (eds.) in C), 209- 20.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “Τε”, in Estudio sintáctico de las partículas en el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 203- 13.

- Íd., “Τε καὶ yuxtapuesto en la obra de los tres grandes poetas helenísticos: Calímaco, Apolonio y Teócrito”, in Actas del IX Congreso español de Estudios Clásicos, cf. Rodríguez Adrados, F. (ed.) in C), 195- 200.

- Ruijgh, C. J., “Esquisse d’une nouvelle théorie sur τε epique”, Mnemosyne 22 (1969), 1- 66.

- Íd., Autour de τε épique. Études sur la syntaxe grecque, Amsterdam 1971.

Τοι

- Bennekom, R. Van, “Καὶ γὰρ οὖν and καὶ γάρ τοι”, Mnemosyne 15 (1962), 393- 4.

- Denniston, J. D., τοι”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 537- 55.

-Íd., τοιγάρτοι”, in The Greek Particles, Oxford 1934 (1954 repr.), 566- 8.

Τοίνυν

- Ophuijsen, J. M. Van, “Οὖν, ἄρα, δή, τοινῦν. The Linguistic Articulation of Arguments in Plato’s Phaedo”, in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 152- 64.

- Oréal, L., “Sur la fonction argumentative de quelques particules grecques”, Lalies 17 (1997), 229- 49.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 198- 203.

- Sicking, C. M. J., “Devices for text articulation in Lysias I and XII” in Two studies in Attic Particle Usage, Lysias and Plato, Sicking, C. M. J./ Ophuijsen, J. M. Van (eds.), Leiden 1993, 28- 31.

Τότε

- Black, S. L., Sentence conjunction in the Gospel of Matthew, καί, δέ, τότε, γάρ, οὖν and the asyndeton in narrative discourse, Sheffield 2002.

- Egea, J. M., “Notas sobre dos partículas del griego medio”, Veleia 7 (1990), 293- 301.

Ὤ, Ὦ

- Brioso Sánchez, M., “El vocativo y la interjección ”, Habis 2 (1971), 35- 48.

- Dickey, E., “Forms of Address and Conversational Language in Aristophanes and Menander”, Mnemosyne 48/3 (1995), 257- 71.

- Vries, G. J. de, “Remarks on a greek form of address: ( τᾶν)”, Mnemosyne 19 (1966), 225- 30.

- Gildersleeve, B. L., “Vocative Case”, in Syntax of Classical Greek from Homer to Demosthenes, Groningen 1980, 15- 21.

- Griffin, J., “Homeric Words and Speakers”, JHS 106 (1986), 36- 57.

- Voos, B. R., “Zusätzliche Bemerkungen zu τᾶν”, Mnemosyne 21 (1968), 366- 73.

Ὥς

- Biraud, M., “La Syntaxe de ὡς dans la langue homérique : du subordonnant relative au subordonnant conjonctif”, AFLNice (1985), 159- 72.

- Crespo, E., “La expresión de la finalidad en las subordinadas del griego antiguo”, REspLing 18/2 (1988), 285- 98.

- García Novo, E. “Esquema funcional de μή y ὥς en oración final y de temor”, Habis 15 (1984), 71- 84.

- Georgantzoglou, N., “Lexical and Explanatory Notes on Dio Chrysostom”, RhM 147 (2004), 79.

- González Martín, A. M., Estudio de ὅπως- ὅκως, ἵνα, ὥστε y ὥς (final-completivo y consecutivo) en el Corpus Hipocrático, diss. Madrid 2008.

- Isart Hernández, M. C., Estructura de la frase verbal en Sóflocles : A.I., O.T., O.C. : con un estudio particularizado de la subordinación final, orden de las oraciones, responsiones verbales y métrica, diss. Madrid 1991.

- Lillo, A., “La locución ‘ὥς ὅτι’ en griego antiguo”, Myrtia 23 (2008), 17- 28.

- Méndez Dosuna, J., Ὥς con valor espacial en Teócrito y en inscripciones dialectales : una quimera sintáctica”, AION(philol) 19 (1997), 407- 51.

- Muchnová, D., “Les emplois paratactiques de ὥς : status quaestionis et théories nouvelles”, GLP 20 (2004), 123- 33.

- Redondo, J., “La adaptación ática de ὥς como conjunción final a partir del s. V a.C., en una nueva perspectiva”, in Homenaxe ó prof. Constantino García, cf. Brea, M./ Fernández Rei, F. (eds.) in C), 419- 25.

- Rijksbaron, A., “ἐπεί en ὥς, temporeel of kausaal?”, Glotta 5 (1972), 465-76.

- Schrier, O. J., “Het kausale en temporele gebruik van ἐπεί en ὥς in Herodotus”, Lampas 6 (1973), 342- 7.

- Wimbush, V. L., Ὡς μή Paul’s use of an expresion in the context of understandings of “world” in early Christianity (I Cor. 7.29-35), diss. Cambridge (MA) 1983.

Ὥστε

- García Ramón, J. L., “ Ὥτε und ὥστε bei Alcman und Pindar”, MSS 46 (1985), 81-101.

- González Martín, A. M., Estudio de ὅπως- ὅκως, ἵνα, ὥστε y ὥς (final-completivo y consecutivo) en el Corpus Hipocrático, diss. Madrid 2008.

- Gundry, R. H./ Howell, R. W., “The Sense and Syntax of John 3:14-17 with Special Reference to the Use of οὕτως ... ὥστε in John 3:16”, NT 41/1 (1999), 24- 9.

- Porro, A., “Un caso di ὥστε con il participio ?”, Acvum(ant) 4 (1991), 153- 62.

- Redondo Moyano, E., “La articulación textual en los Προγυμνάσματα de Nicolao de Mura”, SPhV 7 (2004), 203- 4.

- Verdenius, W. J., “ Ὥστε καί”, Mnemosyne 30/4 (1977), 423.

Theoretical works over particles in general and descriptive works about the group of particles; adverbial particles, the interjection, the particle index, coordination, subordination, and asyndeton.

- Aejmelaeus, A., “The Significance of Clause Connectors in the Syntactical and Translation-Technical study of the Septuagint”, in On the Trail of the Septuagint Translators. Collected Essays, Kampen 1993, 49- 64.

- Aguilar, R. M., “Evolución de las negaciones en la koiné tardía: Juan Mosco”, in Unidad y pluralidad en el mundo antiguo: Actas del VI Congreso Español de Estudios Clásicos I, cf. Aa.Vv. in C), 279- 86.

- Anderson, L. G., Form and function of subordinate clauses, Goteborg 1975.

- Belli, G., “Aristotele e Posidonio sul significato del syndesmos”, Aevum 61 (1982), 105- 7.

- Bennekom, R. Van, “The Definitions of σύνδεσμος and ἄρθρον in Aristotle, ’Poetics’ ch. 20”, Mnemosyne 28/4 (1975), 399- 411.

- Berenguer Sánchez, J. A., “ Distintos conceptos de partícula en la descripción lingüística”, RSEL 22 (1992), 55- 76.

- Berretoni, P., “Ricerche sulla frase interrogativa in Greco antico”, ASNP 38 (1969), 39- 97.

- Besselaar, J. Van Den, “As particulas grecas”, BECh 2 (1958), 117- 30.

- Blomqvist, J., Greek Particles in Hellenistic Prose, Lund 1969, 19- 26, 108- 47.

- Íd., “On adversative coordination in Ancient Greek and as an universal linguistic phenomenon”, Acta Societatis Linguisticae Upsaliensis 3 (1981), 57- 70.

- Bornemann E./ Risch, E., “Die Partikeln”, in Griechische Grammatik, Frankfurt 1978, 257- 68.

- Brucart, J. M., “Sobre la representación sintáctica de las oraciones coordinadas”, RSEL 17 (1987), 105- 19.

- Conti, L./ Crespo, E./ Maquieira, H., “Clases de palabras en griego antiguo : estado de la cuestión y problemas pendientes”, in Word Classes and Related Topics in Ancient Greek, cf. Crespo, E./ de la Villa, J./ Revuelta, A. R. (eds.) in C), 9- 26.

- Cook, A., “Particles, Qualification, Ordering, Style, Irony and Meaning in Plato’s Dialogues”, QUCC 40 (1992), 111- 26.

- Cox, C., “Tying it all together: The Use of Particles in Old Greek Job”, BIOSCS 38 (2005), 41-54.

- Crespo, E./ Conti, L./ Maquieira, H., “Adverbios y sintagmas adverbiales”, “Oraciones compuestas. Coordinación”, “Clasificación de las conjunciones temporales”, “Conjunciones causales y expresiones relativas con valor causal”, “Conjunciones finales”, “Conjunciones comparativas”, in Sintaxis del griego clásico, Madrid 2003, 206- 25, 338- 54, 400- 3, 407- 8, 415- 21.

- Crivelli, P., “The Argument from Knowing and not Knowing in Plato’s ʻTheaetetusʼ (187E5- 188C8)”, PAS 96 (1996), 177-196.

- Cuypers, M., “Interactional Particles and Narrative Voices in Apollonius and Homer”, Caeculus 6 (2005), 35- 69.

- Devine, A. M./ Stephens, L. D. Discontinuous Syntax: Hyperbaton in Greek, Oxford 2000.

- Duhoux, Y., “Quelques idées reçues, et néanmoins fausses, sur les particules grecques”, AClass 66 (1997), 281- 8.

- Íd., “Particules à emploi ‘metrique’ selon Denys le Thrace”, Emerita 68/1 (2000), 31- 46.

- Íd., “Grec écrit et grec parlé. Une étude contrastive des particules aux Ve- IVe siècles”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, cf. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.) in C), 15- 48.

- Íd., “Les particules grecques : les situations homérique et mycénienne”, in Langue et langues, cf. Duhoux, Y. (ed.) in C), 13- 42.

- Durán López, M. A., “Las partículas griegas y las funciones de comunicación”, REspLing 30/1 (2000), 45- 76.

- Durling, R. J., “Some Particles and Particle Clusters in Galen”, Glotta 66/3-4 (1988), 183- 9.

- Fisher, W. F., The particle in the Greek Pentateuch, diss. Fort Worth 1989- 90.

- Fraenkel, J. J., “A question in connection with Greek Particles”, Mnemosyne 13 (1947), 183- 201.

- Fraser, B., “The clause start in ancient Greek: focus and the second position”, Glotta 77/3-4 (2001), 138- 77.

- Gallavotti, C., “Il syndesmos in Aristotele”, PP 9 (1954), 241- 55.

- Íd., “Ancora sul syndesmos nella Poetica di Aristotele”, BPEC 20 (1972), 5- 19.

- García Domingo, E., “Uso de las partículas en la versión griega del S. C. de Asclepíade y sus correspondencias en latín”, CFC 11 (1976), 395- 411.

- Golden, M., “Baby Talk and Child Language in ancient Greece”, in Lo spettacolo delle voci, II, Martino, F. de/ Sommerstein, A. H. (eds.), Bari 1995, 11-34.

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Notes

1 The realization of this article was made possible through the financial backing by a FPI pre-doctoral scholarship from the Fundación Séneca (Agencia Regional de Ciencia y Tecnología de la Comunidad Autónoma de la region de Murcia).

2 I. J. F. De Jong, “Γάρ introducing embedded narratives”, A. Morpurgo Davies, “Particles in Greek Epigraphical Texts. The Case of Arcadian”, B. Jacquinod, “Sur le rôle pragmatique de καίτοι”, in New Approaches to Greek Particles, A. Rijksbaron (Ed.), pp. 175- 185, 49- 73, 131- 49.

3 Cf. E. Redondo Moyano, “El repertorio de las partículas in griego antiguo”, Veleia 10 (1993), 221- 226.

4 Cf. D. T. 87 (G. Uhlig (ed.), Grammatici Graeci 1.1, Leipzig 1883 (repr. 1965).

5 Cf. A. Sancho Royo, “Aproximación al sistema conjuncional griego desde la perspectiva de los gramáticos antiguos”, Habis 15 (1984), 95- 116.

6 A. Hellwig, “Zur Funktion und Bedeutung der griechischen Partikeln”, Glotta 52 (1974), 145- 171.

7 Copulative/adversative (μέν, δέ, τε, καί, ἀλλά, ἠμεν, ἠδέ, ἰδέ, ἀτάρ, αὐτάρ, ἤτοι, κεν, ἄν), disjunctive (, ἤτοι, ἠε), hypothetical (εἰ, εἰπερ, εἰδή, εἰδήπερ), sub-hypothetical (ἐπεί, ἐπείπερ, ἐπειδή, ἐπειδήπερ), causal (ἵνα, ὅπως, ὄφρα, ἕνεκα, οὕνεκα, διό, διότι, καθ, καθ ὅτι, καθ ὅσον), hesitant (ἆρα, κᾆτα, μῶν), syllogistic (ἄρα, ἀλλά, ἀλλάμην, τοίνυν, τοιγάρτοι, τοιγαροῦν) and expletive (δή, ῤα, νύ, ποθ, τοι, θήν, ἄρ, δῆτα, περ, πώ, μήν, ἄν, αὖ, νῦν, οὖν, κεν, γε).

8 V. et. Sicking, C. M. J., “Griekse Partikels. Definitie in classificatie”, Lampas 19 (1986), 125- 41, E. Redondo Moyano, Estudio sintáctico de las partículas in el periodo helenístico: Herodas, Amsterdam 1995, 5- 22.

9 Cf. J. D. Denniston, Op. cit., p. XL in which Denniston confirms having not studied the particles εἰ, ἐπεί because they form a part of the study of grammar rather than stylistics.

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